Email this page to friends About Allan Topol Allan Topol is a partner in a large Washington-based international law firm. He has a science and engineering degree from Carnegie Mellon, and a law degree from Yale University. For almost 40 years, he has been involved in issues at the height of the Washington power structure. He is also a national bestselling novelist, using the thriller genre to explore international geopolitical and military issues. His new novel, ENEMY OF MY ENEMY, dealing with an American pilot shot down over Eastern Turkey and Russian nuclear weapons, was released February 1, 2005. His 2001 novel, SPY DANCE, is about a former CIA agent on the run and Saudi Arabian oil. His 2003 novel, DARK AMBITION, deals with the corruption of power in Washington and China's threatening posture toward Taiwan. In January 2004, his new novel CONSPIRACY was released dealing with a foreign leader's attempt to influence an American presidential election and the possibility of renewed militarism in Japan. Allan Topol contact info: Allan Topol Website Email Allan Topol Allan Topol Books: Spy Dance Dark Ambition Conspiracy Allan Topol Archives Military Opinions Index Discussion Board Have an opinion on this article? Sound off. Your Two Cents Submit your stories, news items, or a benefits update -- and help Military.com bring the best, most important stories to your fellow servicemembers, veterans, and family members. Contribute here

March 9, 2005

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It's far too early to declare that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is over. Yet between the two parties, there exists a fundamental change in relations that is cause for optimism.

The triggering event that opened this window of opportunity was Yasser Arafat's death. Prior to that, the prevailing approach on the Palestinian side was to use terrorism to achieve political objectives. The Israeli response was to respond forcibly against the terrorists, including assassinations of those who planned the suicide bombings and other attacks. At the same time, Israel began constructing a security barrier that reasonably and effectively kept out many of the terrorists.

Let's not forget how this latest four-year reign of terror began. At Camp David, in the final days of the Clinton administration, then Israeli Prime Minister Barak offered the Palestinians a peace proposal so generous that Barak would have had great difficulty having it approved by the Israeli legislature. Arafat not only turned it down, but also launched his four-year intifada, or reign of terror.

With Arafat gone, Abbas and the new Palestinian leadership have changed direction. They now appear anxious to resolve issues with the Israelis diplomatically, rather than with terror. This new approach is one that has widespread support among the Palestinian people.

In the short run, this shift in direction has enabled the Palestinian leadership to gain tangible benefits for their people. The Israelis have released prisoners and reduced controls that limit the movement of Palestinians. European nations and the Untied States have promised increased economic aid. The United States is assisting in the strengthening of Palestinian security agencies.

Still, there is one major recurring problem for the medium and long term. Abbas has not taken any steps to disarm the terrorists from several disparate organizations. Some of these, particularly Al Aksa, and others closest to Abbas's Palestinian Authority, have informally accepted -- at least for now -- the cease-fire Abbas negotiated with Israel. Others, including groups based in Syria, that planned the recent suicide bombing at an Israeli nightclub, will do everything they can to scuttle the movement toward peace.

Similarly, Hezbollah terrorists, supported by Iran, continue to plan and execute attacks. Thus, it is only a partial peace. While the numbers of terrorist alerts in Israel have declined, Israel has still blocked many such attacks.

Sooner or later, Abbas will have to bite the bullet and move to disarm these groups. If there is to be a Palestinian state, dissidents must express their views in the political process -- and not with the barrel of an AK-47 or by strapping explosives around the waists of fifteen-year-old girls and boys.

On the Israeli side, Sharon has responded quickly to the peace overtures of Abbas. Having recently turned seventy-seven, Sharon, Israel's oldest Prime Minister, regards peace with the Palestinians to be the final accomplishment in his life. He has expedited, to the full extent permitted by Israeli law, the withdrawal of settlers from Gaza and some places in the West Bank.

That evacuation is now scheduled for the middle of July. Israeli military and police forces are being mobilized for the violence that could erupt as some of the Israeli settlers resist the evacuation.

Sharon wants his historical legacy to be as the warrior who advanced the peace process. He enjoys great respect and support from President Bush and officials in the administration, including Condoleezza Rice. This is of course a great advantage for Sharon domestically, but the closeness with Washington would make it more difficult for him to change course in the event that Palestinian attacks should increase.

These positive political developments are beginning to have economic benefits for both the Israelis and the Palestinians. Economic growth will fuel continued movement toward peace by solidifying popular support.

One important nurturing factor has been the willingness of outsiders, particularly the United States and the European nations, to leave the two parties -- Israel and Palestinians -- alone to grope themselves toward peaceful coexistence. Happily, in this regard, the Syrians have helped. Their mess in Lebanon has diverted some of the world's attention away from Jerusalem to Damascus and Beirut.

Spring is here. There is no baseball in Israel. But peace is in the air.

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