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William Sturgiss Lind,
Director of the Center for Cultural Conservatism
at the Free Congress Foundation, is a native
of Cleveland, Ohio, born July 9, 1947. He
graduated magna cum laude, Phi Beta Kappa
from Dartmouth College in 1969 and received
a Master's Degree in History from Princeton
University in 1971. He worked as a legislative
aide for armed services for Senator Robert
Taft, Jr., of Ohio from 1973 through 1976
and held a similar position with Senator Gary
Hart of Colorado from 1977 through 1986. He
joined Free Congress Foundation in 1987.
Mr. Lind is author of the Maneuver Warfare
Handbook (Westview Press, 1985); co-author,
with Gary Hart, of America Can Win: The Case
for Military Reform (Adler & Adler, 1986);
and co-author, with William H. Marshner, of
Cultural Conservatism: Toward a New National
Agenda (Free Congress Foundation, 1987). He
has written extensively for both popular media,
including The Washington Post, The New York
Times, and Harper's, and professional military
journals, including The Marine Corps Gazette,
U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings and Military
Review.
Mr. Lind co-authored the prescient article,
"The Changing Face of War: Into the Fourth
Generation," which was published in The Marine
Corps Gazette in October, 1989 and which first
propounded the concept of "Fourth Generation
War." Mr. Lind and his co-authors predicted
that states would increasingly face threats
not from other states, but from non-state
forces whose primary allegiance was to their
religion, ethnic group or ideology. Following
the events of September 11, 2001, the article
has been credited for its foresight by The
New York Times Magazine and The Atlantic Monthly.
Mr. Lind is co-author with Paul M. Weyrich
of the monograph: "Why Islam is a Threat to
America and The West." He is the author of
"George W. Bush's `War on Terrorism': Faulty
Strategy and Bad Tactics?" Both were published
in 2002 by the Free Congress Foundation.
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September 10, 2004
[Have an opinion on a William Lind column? Sound off in the Discussion
Boards.]
As I noted in a recent column, the Marines
have blanked the news from the Sunni triangle since taking over
much of that area. A front-page story in the August 29 New York
Times lifted the veil, and what it revealed was not pretty. The
war in the Sunni triangle is shifting its base from the Baath Party,
which still operates within the framework of the state, to religious
elements which do not.
This is exactly what Fourth Generation theory predicted would happen.
The minutes from the January 23, 2004 session of our Fourth Generation
seminar read:
…then moved the discussion to Iraq
and the U.S. occupation there by pointing out that the current
situation is characterized by three elements. The first was chaos,
the second was a war of national liberation (waged by the Baath
Party) and the third was fourth generation warfare. The second
of these elements was decreasing in importance and intensity but
the third was increasing.
This is the development the Times now reports:
Events in two Sunni Muslim cities that stand astride the crucial
western approaches to Baghdad have moved significantly against
American plans to build a secular democracy in Iraq.
Both the cities, Fallujah and Ramadi, and much of Anbar Province,
are now controlled by fundamentalist militias…
American efforts to build a government structure around former
Baath Party stalwarts…have collapsed. Instead, the former Hussein
loyalists, under threat of beheadings, kidnappings and humiliation,
have mostly resigned or defected to the fundamentalists, or been
killed. Enforcers for the old government, including former Republican
Guard officers, have put themselves in the service of fundamentalist
clerics they once tortured at Abu Ghraib.
Last spring, the Marines made a deal with the Baath Party in Fallujah:
Keep the place quiet and we'll let you run it while keeping our
hands off it. As has so often been the case in the history of war,
it was the right move, too late. Throughout Iraq, the balance had
already swung away from the Baath and any other forces that might
have been able to re-create an Iraqi state, to non-state, Fourth
Generation elements. The experiment in Fallujah was worth trying
- the only other option was destroying the city in order to save
it, as we recently did in Najaf - but the Baath was by then already
a fading force. Of its Fallujah Brigade, the Times writes:
The Fallujah Brigade is in tatters now, reduced to sharing tented
checkpoints on roads into the city with the [Islamic] militants,
its headquarters in Fallujah abandoned, like the buildings assigned
to the national guard. Men assigned to the brigade, and to the
two guard battalions, have mostly fled, Iraqis in Fallujah say,
taking their families with them, and handing their weapons to
the militants.
Instead of the Baath, what we now face in Fallujah is a genuinely
dangerous opponent. Its idol is not Saddam, but Allah. The Times
reports that:
The militants' principal power center is a mosque in Fallujah
led by an Iraqi cleric, Abdullah al-Janabi, who has instituted
a Taliban-like rule in the city…with an Islamic militant group,
Unity and Holy War, that American intelligence… [has linked] to
al Qaeda…
By invading Iraq, the United States in effect took Fallujah and
much of the rest of Anbar Province from Saddam
and gave it to Osama
bin Laden. If that is George
Bush's definition of victory, it would be interesting to know
what he would consider a defeat.
From the standpoint of our forces in Iraq, the main problem the
third stage in the war there presents is that we have no one to
talk to, no one to make deals with. As we saw in Fallujah in April,
it was possible to make a deal with the Baath - a deal the Baath
genuinely wanted to carry out, though it proved unable to do so.
Mullah al-Janabi and the thousands like him will have no interest
in talking with us, unless we tell them we need their assistance
in converting to Islam.
The minutes from the January meeting of our seminar concluded:
In Fallujah as the Marines relieve the Army…we
should talk to the resistance, if we can. If it is Baath Party
members we can probably do some serious negotiations with them.
Ultimately, they have as much interest in establishing and maintaining
order as we do (if they have any thought of returning to power).
However, if the Baathists do not control the resistance then all
bets are indeed now off.
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© 2004 William S. Lind. William S. Lind
is Director for the Center for Cultural Conservatism for the Free
Congress Foundation. All opinions expressed in this article are
the author's and do not necessarily reflect those of Military.com.
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