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Troops Coming Home
Allan Topol | October 26, 2005
The Iraqi vote on the constitutional referendum Saturday represents a huge victory for the beleaguered Bush administration. Most important, it may pave the way for bringing home United States troops from Iraq next year. It is now possible that there may be a light at the end of the tunnel.

With congressional elections taking place in the United States in November 2006, the administration would like nothing better than to begin a significant troop withdrawal before that date. Saturday's vote, which leaves the Iraqi constitution intact and approved, assists in that process because it permits the administration to argue that Iraq now has a viable government. There is another set of elections for the Iraqi National Assembly scheduled for December. It is likely that those will strengthen the nascent Iraqi government struggling to take its first steps.

This is not to say that what we will have in Iraq this year, next year or at any point in the foreseeable future, is the secular democracy with equality for women and active participation by all in the political process that the administration hoped to leave behind when we depart. Rather, the Iraqi political situation is likely to be characterized by sectarian strife and constant violence as the Sunnis, who are only twenty percent of the population, but who ruled the country for decades, seek a return to the dominant position in Iraq. Those days are over. However, there are many Sunnis who will fight to the death in an effort to restore them.

It makes no sense to feel encouraged by the lack of violence at polling places on Saturday. The Sunni insurgents wanted their people to vote in order to defeat the constitution. Now that they failed with ballots, they'll return to violence to disrupt the government.

In addition, the constitution does not create a single Iraqi nation in the sense that the United States had hoped, but rather it establishes a loose federation among Shiites, Kurds and the Sunnis. It's a formula for disagreement and division. In this structure, the Sunnis not only have a minority position in terms of exercising power, but they also control the land which doesn't have the oil. The oil rich areas are the Shiite provinces in the south and the Kurdish provinces in the north. However, the Sunnis have the guns as well as the officers and many of the best fighters in Saddam Hussein's army. The Sunni insurgency is likely to continue at the same time that the political process moves forward.

Notwithstanding the fluidity in Iraqi politics and the continued violence, the administration will be able to state early next year that we have created a stable Iraqi government. We can declare victory and begin bringing our troops home. Call it a fig leaf if you prefer. Or call it pragmatic politics -- accepting the most that we can hope for given the realities of Iraqi political life.

Moreover, as a result of the vote on Saturday, the withdrawal of U.S. troops is likely to receive a boost from the Iraqis themselves. The Sunni politicians have been demanding that the U.S. withdraw all of its troops immediately. Until Saturday's vote, those Sunnis didn't participate in the mainstream Iraqi government. Now that they have recognized their foolishness in boycotting the process and have decided to participate it is likely that they will press their demand for U.S. withdrawal on the entire Iraqi government.

This will place Shiite and Kurdish leaders in a very difficult situation. Will they dare to take the position that they want the United States a non-Muslim occupier, to remain and control their country? A more likely scenario is that Shiites and Kurds will not dissent when faced with Sunni demands for U.S. withdrawal. In fact this may be the only major agreement among the three communities.

The Shiites for their part can look to neighboring Iran if they need additional military assistance to control the Sunni insurgency once the United States pulls out its troops. This isn't a happy scenario for the United States. However, we'll have to accept the fact that there will be coordination and cooperation between the two Shiite controlled governments.

While all of these signs point toward a likely U.S. troop withdrawal next year, it must be remembered that this is the Middle East. Rarely do events proceed in a rational or logical basis. Hopefully the light at the end of the tunnel will not be a train bearing down on us.

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Copyright 2012 Allan Topol. All opinions expressed in this article are the author's and do not necessarily reflect those of Military.com.

 
About Allan Topol

Allan Topol is a partner in a large Washington-based international law firm. He has a science and engineering degree from Carnegie Mellon, and a law degree from Yale University. For almost 40 years, he has been involved in issues at the height of the Washington power structure.

He is also a national bestselling novelist, using the thriller genre to explore international geopolitical and military issues. In his new novel, THE CHINA GAMBIT (January 2012), Craig Page, a former CIA agent, attempts to thwart a plot by ruthless Chinese General Zhou to cut off the flow of oil to the U.S. and leapfrog China into world domination. ENEMY OF MY ENEMY, dealing with an American pilot shot down over Eastern Turkey and Russian nuclear weapons, was published in 2005.

His 2001 novel, SPY DANCE, is about a former CIA agent on the run and Saudi Arabian oil. His 2003 novel, DARK AMBITION, deals with the corruption of power in Washington and China's threatening posture toward Taiwan. In January 2004, his new novel CONSPIRACY was released dealing with a foreign leader's attempt to influence an American presidential election and the possibility of renewed militarism in Japan.

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Dark Ambition
Conspiracy