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Obama's Foreign Failings
Most Americans have painfully noticed that President Obama's domestic policies aren't getting the job done with record deficits, soaring public debt and rising unemployment -- not to mention the nightmarish health care debate. Fewer, however, have probably realized the Obama administration's foreign and national security policies are flagging after a year in the White House, too, putting this country at increasing risk in an already dangerous world. Yes, that's right: All that Obama hopey-changey, blame-America-first, anything-but-George W. Bush stuff hasn't restored, much less advanced, America's position in the world as was promised. Unfortunately, the White House's brand of "biography-based" foreign policy just isn't cutting it so far on the big national security issues of the day such as China, North Korea, Iran, Afghanistan, Russia and Venezuela. In fact, it's quite the opposite: Weakkneed, apologetic "Obama-plomacy" is already being exploited across the globe. Our image, standing and reputation are suffering with partners who worry about our going wobbly despite Obama's rhetorical flourishes. And nowhere was this more recently noticeable than on his stop in China, which found even the loyal Left and media carping. China Challenge If you were troubled by President Obama's so-called "Wow Bow" to Emperor Akihito in Japan, you won't be any happier with the "kowtow" during his November trip to the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the latest chapter of Team Obama's teetering-on-the-disastrous foreign policy, the president and a slew of his Cabinet secretaries roared into Asia like lions, promising a new era in U.S. diplomacy in the region. But they left like pussycats -- accomplishing, well, a whole lot of nothing. So much for our "first Pacific president," as Obama anointed himself at the start of the eight-day, four-country swing through Asia. The lack of good news was starkest in China, where the United States faces a raft of critical issues that needed addressing at the presidential level to get matters moved off dead-center. Sure, the joint statement that concluded the visit had a long list of areas of Sino-U.S. cooperation such as Chinese aircraft safety, public health, climate change and bumping up the number of Americans studying in the PRC. And the president, to his credit, did raise human rights issues, Tibet and freedom of expression -- although somewhat sheepishly. But a presidential visit should deliver more than that. Obama failed to make progress on the most important issue to the United States right now -- the economy. We're experiencing a $200-plus billion-a-year trade deficit with China, but no measure came out of the visit to ease that pain. We could've seen an agreement to help level the playing field for U.S. firms doing business in China by reducing the subsidies local firms receive from the central government, undermining foreign competitiveness. Or how about the woefully undervalued Chinese currency known as the "yuan"? Beijing "pegs" the yuan's conversion rate against the dollar, instead of allowing it to float with the market. This makes Chinese goods cheaper here and American goods more expensive there, hurting our exports. This inequity adds to the bulging trade deficit, allowing China to become the largest holder of U.S. debt -- adding to a series of imbalances that could be harmful to both countries in the long run. On security, there was also a worrisome lack of movement. China is involved in a serious military buildup -- and U.S. planners are often flummoxed about the intent of it. They -- not to mention America's allies and friends such as Japan, Korea and India -- are especially troubled when it comes to "power projection" capabilities, such as the PRC's improving missile, naval and air forces. Chinese aircraft carriers are in our future. Obama also flubbed a question on Taiwan, failing to immediately note our obligation under U.S. law to sell arms to the island, which China considers a renegade province. He later corrected himself, but the damage was done -- possibly creating doubt in Beijing's mind about the Washington's commitment to a peaceful and mutually agreeable resolution to Taipei's future. Then there are matters experts wish the president hadn't touched upon, for instance, offering up Sino-American cooperation in space, where China is taking steps to challenge us for military supremacy. And others are worried about assisting the Chinese civilian aircraft industry. Making their civilian airliners safer could benefit their military aircraft, too, which could be used against our armed forces -- not to mention that Beijing is starting to export jet trainers and fighters, competing with the U.S. defense industry for customers. There was also no noticeable traction with China on efforts to roll back North Korea's nuclear program, especially important as Beijing has more influence in Pyongyang than any other capital. Indeed, there has been no progress since Obama entered office in dealing with nettlesome North Korea. With a nuclear and a long-range missile test already, Pyongyang has challenged Washington more in this administration's first year than all eight of the Bush administration. Nor, arguably more urgent, was the president able to get his Chinese counterpart, President Hu Jintao, to take tougher measures on preventing Iran from joining the Mushroom Cloud Club. Tehran Trouble At the beginning of his term in office, Obama went out of his way to extend an unclenched fist toward Iran's mullahs, testing Tehran's diplomatic intentions and offering a new start for the long-tortured, bilateral relationship. But instead of reciprocating, Iran's theocrats have done little more than slap that outstretched hand away -- repeatedly -- meaning there has been no progress on the front-burner issue of Iran's nuclear program. Fact is that after a year with Obama at the helm of the ship of state, Iran hasn't halted its nuclear program but, instead, now has enough enriched uranium on hand to make at least one nuclear weapon. Yet as of the late fall, the Obama administration still wants to give the tyrants in Tehran more time to see the error of their ways. That's just not likely, considering Tehran's 20-plus years of denial and deception over its nuclear program. This "What, me worry?" attitude has interested parties increasingly on edge as they await the day Iran, a country that calls for the destruction of Israel and the United States and is the world's most active state sponsor of terrorism, goes nuclear. One might even expect that U.S.. - Israeli relations would be tighter these days, considering the mutual atomic ayatollah threat. But no, instead ties are the worst they've been in, estimably, decades, making progress on Middle East Peace Process even less likely. And where was the leader of the Free World when Iranians were demonstrating -- and dying -- for liberty on Tehran's streets this year? Mostly dithering with talking points, trying not to appear to be "meddling," as the president put it. At one rally this fall, according to press reports, an anti-government protestor carried a sign, directed at President Obama: "Either you're with them [the Iranian government] or you're with us." Acting boldly and decisively doesn't seem to be in this administration's DNA, as Afghanistan commander Gen. Stanley McChrystal waited three months before Obama acted on the general's proposed strategy. As maddening as that sort of delay and uncertainty is for our troops and our NATO and Coalition allies and encouraging for our foes, there is another nagging problem. Afghanistan Anxiety Despite all the Obama administration's chin-rubbing and... (continued)
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About Peter Brookes
Peter Brookes is a Senior Fellow for national security affairs at the Heritage Foundation, a Washington, D.C.-based think tank. He is also a weekly columnist for the New York Post. Brookes frequently appears on cable news such as FOX, CNN, and MSNBC as well as hosts major market radio talk shows. He is the author of: "A Devil's Triangle: Terrorism, Weapons of Mass Destruction and Rogue States."Before coming to Heritage, Brookes served in the Bush administration as the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Asian-Pacific Affairs. Prior to the Pentagon, he worked as a staff member with the Republican staff of the Committee on International Relations in the House of Representatives. Brookes also served with the CIA's Directorate of Operations, and worked on international economic issues for the State Department at the U.N. He also served in the U.S. Navy, including active duty in tours in Panama and Japan in aviation and intelligence/cryptologic billets. He has over 1300 flight hours aboard Navy EP-3 aircraft. Brookes is a Commander in the naval reserves. He is a graduate of the U.S. Naval Academy; the Defense Language Institute; the Naval War College; and the Johns Hopkins University. Peter Brookes' new book, "A Devil's Triangle: Terrorism, Weapons of Mass Destruction and Rogue States" is a cold, hard slap for anyone becoming complacent about security challenges in today's world, warning readers that threats to America's national security have not subsided in the four years since 9/11, but, in fact, have escalated.
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