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Peter Brookes writes
a weekly column on foreign policy and defense
for the New York Post and is penning
a book on national security affairs for McGraw
Hill due out early next fall. He appears regularly
on national TV and radio.
Prior to joining the Heritage
Foundation, Brookes served in the Bush
administration as the Deputy Assistant Secretary
of Defense (DASD) for Asian and Pacific Affairs
in the Office of Defense Secretary Donald
Rumsfeld, where he was responsible for the
development, planning, guidance and oversight
of U .S. security and defense policy for 38
countries and 5 bilateral defense alliances
in the Asia-Pacific region.
Brookes has a distinguished military background,
including active duty in support of military
operations in Iraq/Kuwait (Desert Storm);
Haiti (Restore Democracy); and Bosnia (Joint
Endeavor). He flew reconnaissance missions
in East Asia and the Persian Gulf while stationed
in Japan covering military matters related
to the Soviet Union, North Korea, China, Vietnam,
Iran and Iraq. His personal awards and decorations
include: the Joint Service Commendation Medal;
the Navy Commendation Medal (3 awards); the
Navy Achievement Medal; several naval and
joint unit awards; the Defense Language Institute’s
Kellogg Award; the Joint Chiefs of Staff service
badge; and Naval Aviation Observer (NAO) wings.
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August 23, 2004
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THE vast majority of Americans believe that the United States can
defend itself against a ballistic-missile attack.
They're wrong. But, thankfully, that's changing.
In as little as 45 days, we will finally have a limited capability
to shoot down incoming intercontinental ballistic missiles.
With Iran and North
Korea threatening a nuclear (weapons) breakout and China modernizing
its entire array of nuclear arms, the Bush administration's historic
achievement of fielding an operational missile defense comes not
a moment too soon. Like terrorism, the ballistic-missile threat
is real. Roughly two-dozen countries already possess ballistic missiles.
Many are pursuing weapons of mass destruction (WMD) as well. A ballistic
missile mated with a WMD warhead could be used to intimidate, coerce
or blackmail the U.S., its friends or allies.
Most pressing, North Korea already may have two to three operational
nuclear weapons. And North Korea's "Dear Leader," Kim Jong Il, is
working feverishly to combine them with missiles capable of reaching
the continental United States.
No less troubling, American intelligence believes that Iran will
be a nuclear-weapons state by the end of the decade. (Israeli says
by 2007.) With North Korean help, the mullahs of mayhem are working
on an intercontinental ballistic missile able to reach the American
mainland.
And Asia's 900-lb. gorilla, China,
is rapidly increasing the size of its ballistic missile arsenal.
Beijing also is modernizing its long-range nuclear forces, making
them more lethal, survivable and accurate.
None of this is good news. But in a largely unheralded stump speech
last Tuesday at a Pennsylvania Boeing plant, President
Bush reaffirmed a campaign promise he made four years ago: to
deploy a national missile defense.
He told the cheering crowd of defense workers that America's first
ballistic-missile interceptor had been loaded into its underground
silo at Alaska's Fort Greely last month. Four more interceptors
will be on duty by the end of the year, giving the U.S. a limited
missile defense against the likes of North Korea.
An additional 10 interceptors will be active by the end of 2005,
including four at Vandenberg Air Force Base, California. The initial
deployment will also enable the Pentagon to continue technical development
for handling more robust missile threats like China.
Bush's plan wisely calls for a layered approach for defending against
all ballistic-missile classes.
For instance, sea-based interceptors will be deployed on Navy
Aegis-class ships to defend against both short- and medium-range
ballistic missiles. These ships will not only help protect the U.S.,
but can also provide missile defense to friends and allies around
the world. For the shorter-range missile threat, the Patriot missile
system (of Persian Gulf War I fame) will protect our troops and
allies in the field overseas.
Missile defense hasn't been without strong critics. Some have said
that the technology was impossible - that the equivalent of hitting
a bullet with a bullet in space was a pipe dream. Successful testing
has proven them wrong. And the technology over time will only improve.
Others have said missile defense is prohibitively expensive. (John
Kerry is calling for reducing missile-defense spending.) But
after the horrors of 9/11, is $50 billion over five years too expensive
to prevent a similar or greater catastrophe? Hardly.
Deploying missile defenses gives us a broader range of policy options
beyond military strikes or massive nuclear retaliation. And further
developing missile defense might actually dissuade some from pursuing
WMD and missiles at all.
The proliferation of ballistic missiles and WMD is a growing challenge
to American - and international - security. Missile defense is just
one aspect of a comprehensive strategy for dealing with the threat.
Nonproliferation treaties, interdiction operations and multilateral
export controls also come into play. By the end of this year, we
will have begun to fulfill President Ronald Reagan's 1983 vision
of ending the morally - and strategically - bankrupt policy of keeping
the American people deliberately vulnerable to ballistic-missile
attack.
Ongoing missile defense efforts will make us more secure in an
age of seemingly endless insecurity. We can only hope that a strong
missile defense will have the same effect on repressive regimes
as Reagan's stoic vision for a missile defense had on the Soviet
Union.
Peter Brookes is a Heritage Foundation senior fellow. E-mail:
peterbrookes@heritage.org
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© 2004 News World Communications, Inc.
All rights reserved. Mr. Brookes is a Senior Fellow for National
Security Affairs at The Heritage Foundation in Washington, DC. This
column originally appeared in the New York Post. All opinions
expressed in this article are the author's and do not necessarily
reflect those of Military.com.
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